Frederik Vervaet’s new book in the collection Libera Res Publica addresses one of the most challenging periods to analyse in Roman history: the years spanning the Social War and the dictatorship of Sulla (91-79 BCE), a task that the scholar has undertaken with the accuracy and mastery that characterize his other works. The volume, structured chronologically, follows three clear leitmotivs outlined in the title: ‘revolution’, as the decade of the first civil war(s) can be defined as a revolutionary one that marked a watershed in the Roman Republic; ‘reform’, as the 90s and the 80s witnessed the emergence of politicians, such as M. Livius Drusus and L. Cornelius Cinna, who attempted to implement a series of measures that robustly engaged with the challenges facing the Republican system; and ‘reaction’, as a small but influential portion of the Roman elite strongly opposed any reformist movement in order to maintain their privileged position and the status quo. Additionally, Vervaet emphasizes the significance of Roman citizenship demanded by the Italian allies, along with the matter of enfranchising all of Italy, as the most important issues that not only dominated the political debate in the Urbs, but also fuelled the civil conflicts between the followers of Marius and Sulla. Following a brief introduction detailing the book’s main goals, it is divided into nine chapters that cover the most important topics of the period, concluding with closing remarks that summarize its main ideas and its position in modern scholarship.
Chapter 1 addresses the long road leading to the outbreak of the Social War, explaining the aims of the socii and their reasons for finally revolting against Roman rule. On one hand, Vervaet argues that the Italians did desire Roman citizenship, countering Henrik Mouritsen’s interpretation in Italian Unification (1999), which suggested that the peoples of Italy sought independence from Rome to create a new state. On the other, Vervaet identifies the economic advantages of receiving civitas, the shared identities among Italians, Latin colonists, and Romans, the need for protection from the arbitrary will of Roman magistrates, and the aim to benefit from the political developments in the Republic, such as the agrarian reforms, as the main reasons explaining the Italians’ demand for citizenship.
Chapter 2 discusses the political activity of M. Livius Drusus and examines how the tribune of the plebs proposed a ‘New Deal’, quoting the famous political program enacted by US President Franklin D. Roosevelt, to reshape the relationship between Rome and its Italian allies. As Vervaet insightfully explains, Livius Drusus aimed to develop a comprehensive reform program that would, first, meet the aims of the socii by granting them the citizenship they demanded, thus avoiding an imminent war. Second, the tribune sought to implement agrarian and judiciary measures to resolve political disputes in both Rome and Italy. Third, Drusus intended to enhance the Senate’s reputation by making it the institution that addressed the Republic’s main issues, thereby strengthening its position and prestige as the governing body of the Roman state. The opposition that Drusus faced from reactionary senators, along with his assassination, curtailed an ambitious programme that might have preserved the Republican model, while his death marked the beginning of its end by prompting an escalation of violence across the Italian peninsula.
In Chapter 3, Vervaet outlines that, once any chance of achieving citizenship through institutional pathways was lost, the true aspirations of the allies became clear: they did not merely seek civitas, but a citizenship in equal terms. This required a fair distribution of the new citizens among the Roman tribes and the appointment of Italian magistrates—essentially, a share in the governance of the Republic alongside the Romans. The chapter then proceeds to describe the development of the Social War, its main events and military encounters, and the contents of the successive citizenship laws, which, although they granted civitas to the socii, failed to meet all the Italians’ demands.
In contrast to the previous chapters, Chapters 4 and 5 are more descriptive but necessary to continue the narrative. While the former addresses the origins and outbreak of the First Mithridatic War, briefly covering the rise of the Pontic kingdom under Mithridates VI, his invasion of Asia and Greece, and the massive killing of Romans and Italians known as the Asiatic Vespers, the latter describes the political struggle in Rome, detailing the activity of C. Marius and P. Sulpicius Rufus, the dispute over the command of the Mithridatic War, and L. Cornelius Sulla’s march on Rome and political measures against his adversaries.
In Chapter 6 Vervaet shifts again to an interpretative approach. After discussing the quarrel between the consuls Cn. Octavius and L. Cornelius Cinna, the return of Marius, the siege of Rome, and the massacre of Roman elite members by the triumphant Marians, the book examines the dominatio Cinnae, a period marked by relative calm yet considered tyrannical by most ancient sources. According to Vervaet, not only should this derogatory view of Cinna’s rule of Rome be abandoned, the period should even be praised, as one during which the consul attempted to develop a program of reforms aimed at resolving the systemic problems faced by the Republic, problems that notably included the enfranchisement of the Italians and the unification of the Senatorial order following the bloody aftermath of civil strife.
Chapters 7 and 8 extensively cover Sulla’s military activities. While the former focuses on his campaigns against Mithridates, including his operations in Greece, the siege of Athens, his confrontation with Archelaus, the conflict with Fimbria, and the surrender of the Pontic king under the Treaty of Dardanos, the latter delves into Sulla’s invasion of Italy, the civil war on both Southern and Northern fronts, Pompey’s early military exploits, Sulla’s capture of Rome, and the ultimate defeat and subsequent fate of the Marians, either through execution or exile.
Finally, Chapter 9 examines Sulla’s ‘reactionary revolution’, encompassing his assumption of dictatorship and extensive powers, the measures he implemented to bolster senatorial authority while diminishing the influence of the populus, the reorganization of Italy to serve the interests of his regime, and his subsequent abdication, consulship, retirement, and death. The central argument of this chapter posits that while earlier reformist movements, such as those led by Drusus and Cinna, aimed to address the Republic’s structural issues by integrating all its constituent elements, Sulla’s reactionary policies were designed to consolidate the victorious faction in the civil war and establish the dominance of a select elite over Rome and Italy.
As Vervaet himself asserts in the conclusion, the entire book can be seen as a response to the so called ‘crisis without an alternative’, as argued by Christian Meier’s Res publica amissa (1966). Aligned with recent scholarly trends—see, e.g., Kit Morrell’s Pompey, Cato, and the Governance of the Roman Empire (2017)— Vervaet’s central thesis is that the decline of the Republican system was never a chronicle of a death foretold, inasmuch as the first century BCE witnessed the emergence of politicians and members of the Roman elite who were acutely aware of the Republic’s structural challenges and diligently pursued extensive reforms aimed at transforming the political system into a more inclusive one, underpinned by a robust state apparatus. Indeed, it was the intransigence and obstructionism exhibited by a part of the oligarchy, intent on preserving their privileges and the status quo, that ultimately paved the way for the ascent of an autocratic-monarchic governance model capable of reshaping the state without opposition. During the period of the Social and Civil Wars, one of the Republic’s most pressing hurdles was not merely the grant of citizenship, but particularly the subsequent full enfranchisement of the Italian socii on equal terms, and, as a result, Vervaet identifies the Senate’s inability to effectively address this issue, compounded by personal animosities within the senatorial elite, as the primary reasons for the significant escalation of violence in both Rome and the Italian peninsula. Finally, within this context of civil strife and the reformism versus reaction dichotomy, the 80s can be characterized as a revolutionary period that marked a dramatic and far-reaching transformation in Roman history; it represented a pivotal moment where political disputes were resolved through military force. The long-standing Roman Revolution envisioned by Sir Ronald Syme thus gives way to a new interpretative path that considers the existence of a series of brief ‘revolutionary’ phases, such as the decade from 91-79 BCE, culminating in the emergence of the Empire as a political organization that supplanted the Republican system.
The book is well written, offering insightful research and fresh interpretations that will attract anyone interested in the period, since Vervaet adeptly engages with current debates and consistently presents novel readings of the historical events and developments explored throughout the volume. The work demonstrates a solid handling of literary sources, occasionally supplemented by numismatic evidence that enhances the argumentation. A comprehensive bibliography showcases the author’s extensive knowledge and reinforces the overall quality of this book. Furthermore, the edition by Libera Res Publica is excellent, producing a volume that is easy to read at a very affordable price making it accessible to a wide audience. No typos have been detected as far as can be determined.
However, despite its quality, the book’s argumentation exhibits some issues that could potentially deter some readers. Addressing Roman politics from a contemporary perspective, rooted in modern dichotomies such as reformism versus reactionism and concepts like ‘New Deal’, along with a clear partiality displayed when discussing certain figures such as Livius Drusus, Cinna, Marcius Philippus, or Sulla, may put off some modern scholars. The extensive footnotes scattered throughout the volume, a hallmark of the author’s work, can sometimes make reading difficult and, although this should not be an issue for experienced scholars, it could pose problems for students, who are also a target audience of this book. Regarding the content, some chapters, especially those dealing with the Eastern Mediterranean and the First Mithridatic War, appear to be included more as a formality rather than contributing significantly to modern scholarship. Of course, this is fully understandable, as Vervaet’s main interests lie in Rome, Italy, civil strife, and the enfranchisement of the socii, but one might wonder whether the author could have included some reflection on the economic interests Italian families had in the Roman provinces, or to what extent the massive killing of Romans and Italians in Asia during the Asiatic Vespers impacted the inhabitants of Italy in terms of political aims, identities, economic flows, and family finances. Nonetheless, this reviewer acknowledges that it is ultimately the author’s prerogative to choose the style he wishes to follow and the topics he wants to address.
In conclusion, Vervaet’s book provides an original analysis of this intricate yet pivotal period in Roman history, offering a significant array of new interpretations and approaches to studying the Roman Republic. It is essential reading for anyone interested in the decade, marked by escalating violence, that signaled the beginning of the end of the Republican system.