BMCR 2006.03.32

Dinamiche di sviluppo delle città nell’Etruria meridionale

, Dinamiche di sviluppo delle città nell'Etruria meridionale: Veio, Caere, Tarquinia Vulci: atti del XXIII Convegno di studi etruschi ed italici, Roma, Veio, Cerveteri/Pyrgi, Tarquinia, Tuscania, Vulci, Viterbo, 1-6 ottobre 2001. Atti di Convegni / istituto nazionale di studi etruschi ed italici; 23. Pisa and Rome: Istituti editoriali e poligrafici internazionali, 2005. 2 volumes (745 pages): illustrations. ISBN 9788881473779. €860.00 (pb).

The urbanization of the Mediterranean cannot be studied without serious reference to the transition from the Final Bronze to the Iron Age in Tyrrhenian Italy, the Po region and Campania, and these volumes will be indispensable for research into the origins and early character of the Etruscan cities. All authors are respected experts in their fields, and have provided fine documentation for an amazing variety of sites and finds. It is unfortunate, however, that although handsomely printed, the text without columns appears dauntingly dense, and many of the maps, watercolors, and drawings in half-tones, printed on ivory paper, are difficult to read.

Two volumes were needed to publish the proceedings of the 23rd Conference of Studi Etruschi; its theme, the early urbanization of the cities of southern Etruria, is introduced by Giovannangelo Camporeale (pp. 13-14). The mechanisms by which the major southern cities developed from the Final Bronze Age through the Archaic period are treated in conference order, by city: Veii, Caere, Tarquinii, Vulci and adjacent centers, ending with additional synthetic articles and specialist studies of artifacts. These proceedings are essential reading for Etruscologists, and several articles will be of exceptional interest to historians, art historians and Classicists in general. Excavators present their latest discoveries, updates, and corrections of past publications; other papers analyze material from past excavations that have not yet been fully published (for instance, Della Fina, pp. 633-637, on Lucien Bonaparte).

Some additions to published corpora are to be found here, such as the series of stone sarcophagi of the Hellenistic period (Gentili, pp. 645-655). The Tomb of the Blue Demons (ca. 440-430 B.C.) was discovered after the publication of Stephan Steingräber’s Etruscan Painting. Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings (English eds. D. Ridgway and F. R. Serra Ridgway, New York: Johnson Reprint Corp., 1986); Adinolfi et al. (pp. 431-453) discuss the tomb finds and burial rituals here. Fragments of chariots from tombs at Tarquinia (Delpino, p. 346; Adinolfi et al., p. 445) and Vulci (Moretti Sgubini, p. 468) augment the catalogue edited by Adriana Emiliozzi ( Carri da Guerra e principi etruschi, Rome: L’Erma di Bretschneider, 1997). This should furnish raw data for reappraisals of social developments and foreign contacts in Iron Age Etruria. Remnants from a Caeretan bronze statue foundry (Bellelli, pp. 227-236) are also a first.

The first four papers define major issues in the study of the urbanization of the Etruscan heartland and the social and political atmosphere of the major players in the histories of Rome. Camporeale (pp. 15-20) notes that it has been commonplace to differentiate between settlements in the north and south of Etruria, and calls for a more sophisticated view grounded in the historical sources: neither dialectical differences nor the composition of the Duodecim Populi or the alliances in wars against Rome, follow strict North-South lines, nor do differences in Villanovan and Orientalizing funerary rituals and ceramic production. The Archaic palazzo, Classical artistic styles, and Hellenistic sarcophagus and coin production all cut across regional lines, and speak to a broader Etruscan identity.

Bruno d’Agostino (pp. 20-25) summarizes the current debate on the formation of the city in Tyrrhenian Italy: the great cities of the historical period were created by the dramatic relocation of the populations of Final Bronze Age hut villages to the city plateaus that would continue through the historical period. The real revolution of social and political change is more difficult to analyze; we tend to link the emergence of the proto-urban centers with the development of the Etruscan system of gentilicial organization and clientela, and the affirmation of private ownership of land, which may not have occurred until well into the Iron Age. The evidence of Latium (Osteria dell’Osa) and more southerly Italic sites such as Pontecagnano must be considered in any discussion of urbanization, to which current studies of necropolis organization will be the key for discerning internal organization, social hierarchy, family/gentilicial groups and more.

Maria Bonghi Jovino (pp. 27-58) surveys the evidence for earliest Tarquinia, in many ways a paradigm for the urbanism of other settlements. At the sites under study there (Pian di Civita and Ara della Regina), the Final Bronze Age saw the numbers of hut villages greatly reduced during the 10th century when (as at other proto-cities) there was a movement onto a defensible and large plateau. It appears that Tarquinia was first in this, followed soon by Vulci; by the 8th century, a highly organized population was in control of mining, maritime commerce, inland waterways and agricultural land. The 7th century saw the growth of a dense population and monumental building programs including sanctuaries, large “gentilicial” tombs, and the restructuring of agricultural land, presumably for the production of surplus to fuel a growing maritime trade. (The author has generously provided a wealth of maps, but unfortunately, they are of varying quality and it is necessary to go to their original sources to get the keys to their numbering.)

Adriano Maggiani (pp. 61-69) surveys the epigraphic and literary evidence for political institutions in the big cities, from 7th-century inscriptions like the Tragliatella cippus (asserting control of Veii’s borderlands and the activity of a maru) through the François Tomb and Elogia Tarquiniensia, with hints of lingering autocrats variously labeled zila θ or rex, and possibly the equivalent of tyrannos. (Piel, pp. 423-430, however, rather stringently questions the Etruscan primacy of the symbols of magistracy, such as the sella curulis and fasces.)

The city and territory of Veii is treated first, but its earliest—and very important—settlement is presented in the second volume, where Babbi (pp. 715-735) outlines recent finds in Isola Farnese of settlement deposits, floors, hearths and stone terrace walls of a settlement probably begun at the onset of Final Bronze (the Protovillanovan period). Bartoloni et al. (pp. 73-85) present a thorough summary of the findings for the Piazza d’Armi, the acropolis of Veii, which had an orthogonal grid of houses and piazze focused on an oikos-type temple. The earliest material is a hut village of the 9th to 7th centuries B.C. comparable to that recently identified at Tarquinia Poggio Cretoncini. The 8th- and 7th-century elite of Veii are further known from analyses of several burials, especially of warriors with princely foreign goods (Drago Troccoli, pp. 87-124). De Santis (pp. 615-631) analyses grave goods as indicators of the political transition from village “warrior chiefs” to urban “princes” at Veii and Latin Osteria dell’Osa (Gabii).

The gridded building plots of 7th-century Piazza d’Armi make it one of the earliest sites for consideration of town planning (cf. 8th-century Italic Oderzo and Megara Hyblaea). Plowed furrows beside a road found in 2002 are interpreted (p. 75) as evidence of city foundation ritual, as known in the story of Romulus; they have been dated ca. 675-650 B.C. Aristocratic residences of the 7th century produced quantities of meat bones and an inscribed dinos ( θ ina) from the symposium. The late 6th and 5th centuries saw monumental building programs (fortification wall and “dipylon” gate) to match those of the Portonaccio and other sanctuaries. (Across several cities, it appears that such building programs were city- or territory-wide, almost simultaneously studding the area with a variety of monumental structures.) After the Roman conquest, only Middle Republican farm buildings stood on Veii’s acropolis, confirming the picture of Propertius 4.10.27. In the Portonaccio sanctuary an unusual votive figurine group depicting elephants and Cerberus may be a token of Roman occupiers’ military deeds (Ambrosini, pp. 135-149).

City is also defined by country, and Cifani (pp. 151-161) and De Cristofaro and Giordani (pp. 163-172) outline the settlement history of the borders, especially Faliscan-Capenate and Roman, of Veientine territory. Cifani sees in the hierarchy of settlement sizes a strong, cantonal sort of organization that would not weaken until the destruction of the city in 396 B.C.

Recent surveys summarized by Nardi (pp. 185-192) complete a picture of ancient Caere as defined by a plethora of extramural sanctuaries, its confines well supplied with walls, roads, wells and cuniculi; there is even indication (from architectural terracottas) that the city had at least one archaic “palazzo” equivalent to those found in southern Acquarossa and northern Murlo. Intense construction activity marks the Archaic and Hellenistic periods, while, as at most of the southern cities, there is continuity in settlement into the Roman period. Maggiani and Rizzo (pp. 175-184) survey Caeretan sanctuaries including a late Archaic temple built over an earlier hypogeum at Vigna Parrocchiale, and two Tuscan temples (preceded by Villanovan huts) placed side by side at the San Antonio site, where comparisons to Pyrgi and Rome Sant’Omobono are evident. State involvement in cults seems to be attested by finds of bronze weights, one inscribed by a magistrate to Turms/Mercury (and perhaps Rath).

Literacy is another token of urbanization, and Benelli (pp. 205-207), notes the primacy of Caere in the implementation of a cultura epigrafica which appears suddenly at the beginning of the 7th century with “speaking inscriptions” that mark the objects of ownership, gift-giving and presentation in a remarkably uniform style that implies a shared, urban culture of literacy and education. Caeretan urbanization is attested in studies of architectural terracottas (Lulof, Bonamici, below), and imports of Attic vases and local ceramic production (Massa-Pairault, pp. 247-255; Gaultier, pp. 639-644). A central, and powerful, city is indicated by Orientalizing and Archaic luxury goods found not only in urban necropoleis such as Sorbo (Naso, pp. 193-203, with gold-covered bucchero) but in more distant suburban and rural locations such as San Paolo a Cerveteri on the road to the port of Alsium (Rizzo, pp. 283-300, with exceptional figured and inscribed bucchero vases, including one with Medea and Daidalos), the Mignone Valley (Acconcia et al., pp. 273-281) and Trevignano Romano (Caruso, pp. 301-306).

Zifferero (pp. 257-272) presents the evidence for an explosion in the Late Orientalizing period of “open sites” (farms) arranged in a sort of capillary network across the Caeretan countryside, which previously had seen only aristocratic estates. This phenomenon paralleled the growth of city-supported industries (building materials, stone sculpture, tomb building and Etrusco-Corinthian ceramics). The claiming of farmland for export production must have been a city-fostered enterprise, mirrored in the production of transport amphorae, and the excavation of roads (vie cave, cuniculi) and other projects of drainage and irrigation to promote agriculture and the distribution of produce to both city and ports.

The University of Milan excavations at Tarquinia Pian di Civita in the 1980s astonished scholars with finds of a sanctuary with Protovillanovan origins, unprecedented burials of the Villanovan and Orientalizing periods, and an early 7th-century foundation deposit of shield, axe, and lituus all ritually damaged; cult rooms even include some masonry that looks unsettlingly like Punic pier-and-rubble walls. Bonghi Jovino’s presentation (pp. 309-322) offers an update, some corrections, and some firm criticism of recent scholarship on this site; she also notes ongoing excavation of Archaic structures beneath the podium of the “Temple of the Winged Horses” at the Ara della Regina site. Specialist studies by Bagnasco Gianni, Chiesa, Chiaramonte Treré and Silvia Bruni (pp. 323-342) furnish details on some of the Civita structures and finds, such as cereal offerings and a woman’s burial in the sanctuary.

Early studies of the Villanovan burials of Tarquinia (such as Hugh Hencken’s Tarquinia, Villanovans and Early Etruscans, American School of Prehistoric Research Bulletin 23, Cambridge, MA: Peabody Museum, 1968) defined our understanding of the emergence of Iron Age society, and new studies have gone beyond artifact typologies to discern funerary rituals and social symbolism in the manner of burial and types of offerings. At the Poggio Impiccato necropolis, there is evidence for chariot ownership as early as the mid-9th century (Tarquinia IB) in finds of paired bits, while by the 8th century (Tarquinia ΙΙΑ urns holding cremated remains were dressed and arranged in tombs as if they were human bodies (Delpino, pp. 343-358). Trucco et al. (pp. 359-369) also discern ritual behavior in the recently excavated tombs of the Villa Bruschi Falgari necropolis, which held a number of children’s burials, still rare in most sites. Cataldi et al. (pp. 395-413) also present new finds from Archaic tombs, including analysis of human bones, some buried in containers of perishable material, and including children such as a boy buried with a fine Negau-type helmet of the early 5th century (pp. 400-401) similar to those of city militia at Vetulonia or the (Tarquinian?) marines defeated in the Battle of Cumae and displayed at Olympia.

There has been much recent research on the necropoleis, city, and sanctuaries of Vulci, now shown to have covered an area of 125 hectares in the proto-urban period; large houses and a mithraeum in the Roman period have also been described (Moretti Sgubini and Tocci, pp. 457-484). Musti (pp. 485-508) links the military scenes of the François Tomb to the cult of Concordia. A significant set of sites in the region of Vulci (Sorgenti della Nova, Sasso, Gran Carro etc.) are furnishing evidence on the all-important transition from Final Bronze to Iron Age, which has been tracked by Dolfini (pp. 509-521; contrast Donati, pp. pp. 371-382) through a burgeoning and then a standardization of pottery forms and ornamentation, such as the biconical urns, attested in both domestic and funerary usage. The underlying social changes, such as the development of classes and political hierarchy, are beginning to be identified. The network of outlying settlements that were to form the territory of Vulci is discussed by Cardosa (pp. 551-557). Berlingò (pp. 559-566) for Bisenzio and environs, and Moretti Sgubini and Ricciardi (pp. 523-530) for Vulci analyze funerary ritual from Villanovan through Archaic, noting offerings of food; and Cherici (pp. 531-549) interprets arms in tombs, suggesting the institution of citizen militias in the 6th century and later as a telltale of city organization.

Other settlements in the vicinity of Vulci, but in later days considered independent, such as Sovana and Poggio Buco, are treated in volume II. Negroni Catacchio (pp. 567-584) describes the typical Protovillanovan site excavated at Sovana in the context of famous Final Bronze sites such as Sorgenti della Nova, San Giovenale, etc. Sporadic finds attest to a Neolithic and Bronze Age occupation at Sovana; the typical cliff-top site of oval huts was abandoned with the onset of the Villanovan period (9th-8th centuries) but resettled at the end of the 8th century as a kind of satellite to Etruscan Vulci. If we are correct in assuming that the city plateaus were “colonized” or founded by the populations who abandoned the Protovillanovan hilltops, then this resettlement means that some of their descendants were deliberately returning to what, in less than 200 years, must still have been remembered as home ground. The 7th-6th-century settlement was large with simple rectangular houses; the site was again abandoned at the beginning of the 5th century, and inhabited again during the Hellenistic period. (Pellegrini and Rafanelli, pp. 737-745, add preliminary findings on some unusual masonry structures found on the Sovana city plateau.)

Michelucci (pp. 585-602) outlines the settlement excavated on the acropolis at Poggio Buco, not far from Sovana: a large, Final Bronze settlement covering most of the plateau was abandoned but reoccupied in the early Orientalizing period, although evidence is scanty except for the earliest tombs; most finds are of the first half of the 6th century, after which the site was again abandoned.

A very different aspect of Etruscan urbanization is seen in the small coastal site of Castellina del Marangone situated midway between Caere and Tarquinia (Gran Aymerich, Prayon and Fontaine, pp. 657-664; 665-675). Rich with pottery, inscriptions, and goods of maritime commerce, the fortified site was also of notable duration. Continuously occupied since the Middle and Late Bronze Age (14th-13th century), Castellina was densely populated during the 8th-7th centuries, with another population spike in the 4th-3th centuries. Defensive walls were erected in the second half of the 7th century, and the 6th-century acropolis, surrounded by a residential street grid, had substantial shrines and/or public buildings and amenities like terraces, streets, and masonry drainage systems. Sanctuaries both urban and seaside may be traced to the Orientalizing period. Clearly, any appraisal of Etruscan urbanization now will have to factor this type of settlement into the system predicated upon the great cities.

No city, of course, existed in a vacuum, and several studies of artisanal production highlight links at once commercial, religious and political. Donati (pp. 371-382) analyses the seated figures motif of Villanovan funerary urns, tracing links between the centers of Vulci, Tarquinia, Veii, Chiusi, Bologna and Adriatic Fermo; the disappearance of the motif during the 8th century parallels the social upheaval of the move from hilltop villages to city plateaus. Stefano Bruni presents the evidence for Tarquinian production of large decorative amphorae—and thus of wine—early in the 6th century as a manifestation of hellenization of banquet customs. Lulof (pp. 209-213) finds that architectural terracottas and statue groups of Menerva and Hercle were common features at Caere, Veii, Satricum, and Rome. Bonamici’s study (pp. 215-226) of the Archaic acropolis sanctuary at Volterra shows links to southern workshops including Caere, Tarquinia, Vulci, Gabii, and Minturnae. Gilotta (pp. 237-241) takes Caeretan terracottas into the 3rd century, while Minoja (pp. 693-702) traces late Archaic links between Capua and the Etruscan cities through black-figured vase production.

Quality of life in the cities cannot be fully rated until much more skeletal and natural material is published. Baggieri (pp. 703-713) analyzes the bones of 56 people buried at Tarquinia (Monterozzi, thus probably 6th-century and later), finding relatively good (skeletal) health except for some arthritis and TMJ problems due to bad teeth (relic of an urban diet?). His tentative diagnosis of a case of thalassemia in one of three burials at San Giovenale would be a first, though not an unexpected discovery. Relatively good nutrition in the urban population of Tarquinia is also implied in the findings of Vargiu and Becker (pp. 409-411) for eleven Archaic cremation burials. There were only one arthritic hip and an old foot fracture (in two middle-aged individuals), but four of the deceased were children, which raises the issue of infectious disease in urban populations (and note children’s burials recently identified in Villanovan Tarquinian necropoleis, Trucco et al., forensic studies referenced p. 359 note 2).

A few brief specialty studies suggest other aspects of life in the Etruscan cities. Gallon-Sauvage’s (pp. 415-421) attribution of Dionysiac imagery in the Tomba dell’Orco of Tarquinia implies links to Greek cults, and there is much to analyze in the rituals of the Tomb of the Blue Demons. Caeretan funerary chests (Gasperini, pp. 689-692) and inscriptions from Tarquinia (van Heems, pp. 683-687) and Caere (Briquel, pp. 677-682, one cippus possibly attesting a lautni /freedman) indicate social distinctions in and beyond their cities. Several themes appear in multiple studies, for instance, the uninterrupted evolution of Protovillanovan society into Etruscan civilization, and the concept of a sort of synoikismos that led the residents of many villages to abandon their homes and join on the big city plateaus. (See the treatment of Isola Farnese and Veii, Tarquinia, Vulci, and Castellina del Marangone in the papers of Babbi, Cifani, Dolfini, Bonghi Jovino et al., Gran Aymerich et al.) The theme of a hut of Protovillanovan or Villanovan date preceding a simple oikos-shrine and/or a Tuscan temple of the 7th-6th centuries, already well documented at Latin Satricum, is recognized as an early Etruscan phenomenon in the papers of Bonghi Jovino et al. (Tarquinia) and of Maggiani and Rizzo (Caere).

In all the cities, it seems that periods of boom were intense and well funded: when there is a building spurt (for instance, at the end of the Archaic period, the last decades of the 6th and first of the 5th century), multiple sanctuaries, fortification walls, roads and more seem to be erected all at once. Note that economic reality does not always parallel our modern views of political and military events: the expulsion of the Tarquins from Rome in 510, and the 4th-century Gaulish incursions do not seem to have greatly jeopardized the welfare of the Etruscan cities, except for those few that, like Marzabotto, were destroyed outright. Both the synthetic articles in this compendium, and many seemingly insignificant items, like a piece of chariot hardware or a child buried with a militiaman’s armor, offer fresh material for further historical and social analyses in many fields.

Volume I:

G. Camporeale, Etruria meridionale (ed Etruria settentrionale)?;

B. d’Agostino, La città;

M. Bonghi Jovino, Città e territorio. Veio, Caere, Tarquinia, Vulci: appunti e riconsiderazioni;

A. Maggiani, Da Veio a Vulci: le istituzioni politiche;

G. Bartoloni, V. Acconcia, S. ten Kortenaar, Veio-Piazza d’Armi;

L. Drago Troccoli, Una coppia di principi nella necropoli di Casale del Fosso a Veio;

S. Piro, Integrazione di metodi geofisici ad alta risoluzione per l’indagine nei siti archeologici: il caso di Piazza d’Armi-Veio;

L. Ambrosini, Il donario con Cerbero ed elefanti e gli altri materiali dalla cisterna ‘Santangelo’ nel santuario del Portonaccio a Veio;

G. Cifani, I confini settentrionali del territorio veiente;

A. De Cristofaro, R. Santolini Giordani, Roma, località Poggioverde: una necropoli etrusca sulla via Trionfale;

A. Maggiani, M. A. Rizzo, Cerveteri. Le campagne di scavo in loc. Vigna Parrocchiale e S. Antonio;

G. Nardi, L’area urbana di Cerveteri. Nuove acquisizioni e dati riassuntivi;

A. Naso, Il tumulo del Sorbo a Caere;

E. Benelli, Alle origini dell’epigrafia cerite;

P. S. Lulof, Una bottega tettoia ionica a Caere;

M. Bonamici, Coroplasti meridionali nell’Etruria del nord;

V. Bellelli, Ἀγύλλιος χαλκός;

F. Gilotta, Le ‘lastre’ Mus. Greg. 14129;

P. Moscati, Verso l’edizione multimediale degli scavi della Vigna Parrocchiale;

F.-H. Massa Pairault, Athènes-Étrurie: brèves considérations à partir de Caere;

A. Zifferero, La formazione del tessuto rurale nell’agro cerite: una proposta di lettura;

V. Acconcia, F. Cesari, F. Grasso, F. Vallelonga, Forme di popolamento nell’entroterra cerite: nuovi dati dalla valle del Mignone;

M. A. Rizzo, Le tombe orientalizzanti di San Paolo a Cerveteri;

I. Caruso, Trevignano Romano: influenze ceretane e veienti nelle fasi dell’Orientalizzante recente e dell’Arcaismo maturo;

M. Bonghi Jovino, Tarquinia. Monumenti urbani;

G. Bagnasco Gianni, Tarquinia. L’area gamma del ‘complesso monumentale’. Una presentazione preliminare;

F. Chiesa, Tarquinia. Un deposito di fondazione e altri rinvenimenti nell’area alpha;

C. Chiaramonte-Treré, Nuovi dati sull’urbanistica tardo-arcaica di Tarquinia;

S. Bruni, Tarquinia. Analisi chimico-fisiche delle produzioni ceramiche del ‘complesso monumentale’;

F. Delpino, Dinamiche sociali e innovazioni rituali a Tarquinia villanoviana: le tombe I e II del sepolcreto di Poggio dell’Impiccato;

F. Trucco, D. De Angelis, C. Iaia, R. Vargiu, Nuovi dati sui rituali funerari della prima Età del Ferro a Tarquinia;

L. Donati, La coppia di figure sedute incise sui cinerari biconici: gli esempi di Tarquinia;

S. Bruni, Aspetti dell’economia di Tarquinia in età arcaica: il caso del vino;

M. Cataldi, Sulle ‘tombe a buca’ di Tarquinia. Appendice di R. Vargiu e M. J. Becker, Studio antropologico dei resti scheletrici umani;

A. L. Philippe Gallon-Sauvage, Un delfino dionisiaco nella tomba dell’Orco di Tarquinia?;

T. Piel, À propos des insignes de dignité de l’Étrurie Méridionale: réflexions sur la soit-disant origine étrusque des insignes romains du pouvoir;

G. Adinolfi, R. Carmagnola, M. Cataldi, La tomba dei Demoni Azzurri. Lo scavo di una tomba violata.

Volume II:

A. M. Moretti Sgubini, Risultati e prospettive delle ricerche in atto a Vulci. Appendice di A. M. Tocci, Analisi effettuate su alcuni frammenti metallici decorati, pertinenti ad un carro, provenienti dalla tomba rinvenuta in località Poggio Maremma in data 11 ottobre 1983;

D. Musti, Temi etici e politici nella decorazione pittorica della Tomba François;

A. Dolfini, La fase di transizione Bronzo-Ferro nel territorio di Vulci: elementi di continuità e discontinuità nella cultura materiale;

A. M. Moretti Sgubini, L. Ricciardi, Usi funerari a Vulci;

A. Cherici, Dinamiche sociali a Vulci: le tombe con armi;

M. Cardosa, Paesaggi nel territorio di Vulci dalla tarda protostoria alla romanizzazione;

I. Berlingò, Vulci, Bisenzio e il lago di Bolsena;

N. Negroni Catacchio, L’abitato di Sovana alla luce delle recenti scoperte. Gli scavi dell’Università degli Studi di Milano nell’area della cattedrale;

M. Michelucci, Poggio Buco. Nuovi dati sull’abitato etrusco;

V. Acconcia, Aspetti archeologici e produttivi della bassa e media valle dell’Albegna;

A. De Santis, Da capi guerrieri a principi: la strutturazione del potere politico nell’Etruria protourbana;

G. M. Della Fina, Luciano Bonaparte archeologo: nuove prospettive;

F. Gaultier, Céramiques à figures noires de Cerveteri: la production du début du Ve siècle av. J.-C.;

M. D. Gentili, Contributo alla conoscenza di un centro dell’Etruria meridionale interna: la bottega dei sarcofagi di San Giuliano;

J. Gran-Aymerich, La Castellina près de Civitavecchia. La vocation d’un site aux confins de Caeré et de Tarquinia;

F. Prayon, Lo sviluppo urbanistico del sito etrusco di Castellina del Marangone (comune di Santa Marinella, prov. di Roma). Appendice di P. Fontaine, Relazione preliminare sugli scavi eseguiti nell’estate 2001 alla cinta muraria di Castellina del Marangone;

D. Briquel, Due iscrizioni ceretane ritrovate nel Museo del Louvre;

G. van Heems, La copula e la frase nominale nelle iscrizioni funerarie di Tarquinia;

L. Gasperini, Nuovi segnacoli funerari ‘a casetta’ di àmbito ceretano;

M. Minoja, Rapporti tra Capua e le città dell’Etruria meridionale: la produzione ceramica a figure nere;

G. Baggieri, Paleopatologia scheletrica degli individui della necropoli di Monterozzi e di San Giovenale;

A. Babbi, L’insediamento protostorico di Isola Farnese. Considerazioni sull’età del Bronzo finale nel distretto veiente;

E. Pellegrini, S. Rafanelli, Recenti ritrovamenti di strutture monumentali nell’antica città di Sovana.