Enora Le Quéré’s book is a long-term study of the fullers’ trade in the Eastern Greek world. Fullers are responsible of the washing and finishing of woollen fabrics and garments. Drawing on a wide range of archaeological and textual evidence from the eastern Mediterranean regions between the 6th century BCE and the 4th century CE, the author reconstructs the social, economic, and cultural history of these professional craftsmen. Her approach involves examining their techniques and expertise, as well as their working and living conditions, while also situating them within their broader social, economic, professional, and civic contexts. The study addresses two central questions: Did the fullers of the Greek East belong to a shared technical koinè? And what were the socio-economic implications of their trade over the period in question?
In the first chapter, the author delineates the scope of the fullers’ activity through an analysis of the textual sources. The aim is to determine their role within the textile production process and their specialisation. To achieve this, the author systematically reviews the entire chaîne opératoire of textile production. Fullers primarily process woollen fabrics; they do not wash raw wool or dye fabrics. They intervene at the finishing stage of new textiles and are responsible for their cleaning and maintenance. Particularly noteworthy in this chapter is the semantic study of the ancient Greek terms, which reveals the existence of multiple professional titles associated with those who launder garments. Of the 17 recorded terms, the three most common are examined in detail. The gnapheus (γναφεύς) was the fuller responsible for the complex technical processes involved in finishing and maintaining woollen fabrics. In contrast, the plyneus (πλυνεύς) performs a simpler form of washing or laundering. The term stibeus (στιβεύς), attested in Egypt, seems to indicate a specific specialisation within the fulling trade. This chapter also reconstructs the main stages of the fulling process using textual and iconographic evidence. In the Eastern Greek world, fullers not only beat fabrics but also tread them underfoot. They employ various detergents, such as soapwort, vegetable or mineral alkalis—including natron—and later, fuller’s earth. After rinsing and drying the textiles, they apply finishing techniques such as combing or teasing the fabric and, in some cases, shearing the surface.
The second chapter is dedicated to the analysis of the archaeological evidence related to workshops and their organisation. The author proposes a concise list of criteria for identifying fulling workshops in the archaeological record, building on Laura B. Mazow’s work on the Bronze Age and additionally drawing on her own research, notably at the site of Delos.[1] One key feature she identifies is the presence of at least one fulling stall: a sunken basin set against a wall, flanked by two low walls or structural traces suggesting the existence of partitions or beams made from perishable materials. Other indicators include a waterproof floor coating and, in some cases, additional terracotta containers embedded in the masonry, likely used for storing the substances employed by fullers. These criteria allow for the reinterpretation of Greek archaeological remains, the correction of misattributions, and the development of methodological tools for future excavations. In this chapter, the author suggests identifying as fulling workshops Room 1 of the ‟House of the Oil Merchant” at Mycenae, dating to the Bronze Age, as well as three establishments in the Theatre District of Delos, dating to the second century BCE. She also discusses other possible examples in Greece, Cyprus, and Egypt. The study of these archaeological remains highlights the integration of fulling workshops within urban neighbourhoods; rather than being located on the outskirts, they were often situated in the heart of cities. Some also served as dwellings and operated as workshop-boutiques. Unlike the large-scale fullonicae of Roman Italy, Greek fulling establishments were smaller in scale and catered primarily to an urban clientele.
The third chapter explores the social status of fullers on the basis of the textual sources. The author demonstrates that this profession was highly structured, with positions ranging from independent craftsmen who owned their workshops to waged labourers working in fulling establishments, tasked with the strenuous job of treading fabrics in basins filled with detergents. A clear division of labour existed within workshops. Some fullers rented their workspace, while others were itinerant, offering their services directly to private clients. Women were not absent from the profession; they could be employed in fulling workshops, and female workshop owners are attested in Egypt. This third chapter includes a particularly insightful analysis of how fullers were perceived within their societies and how they viewed their own profession. Although the authors of literary texts often expressed a certain disdain for fullers, they were no more stigmatised than other craftsmen. The study of their funerary inscriptions, honorific inscriptions, and dedications, as well as the testimonies of their participation in professional associations, religious events and civic life, reveals a strong professional identity—one that was both asserted and valued. According to the author, this recognition stemmed from the fact that fullers possessed a technè, a specialised skill acquired through apprenticeship. Their social role was also shaped by their daily interactions with clients, where maintaining a good reputation was crucial. Wherever numerical data is available, fullers appear to have been well-represented, and their workshops were a common feature of Greek urban landscapes.
In the fourth chapter, the rich quantitative data from Egypt—papyrus documents and ostraca—are exploited by the author to assess the economic situation of fullers by examining their wages, the cost of materials, the taxes they were required to pay, and the pricing of their services. The cost of laundering garments varied depending on the quantity and type of fabric, but it was generally affordable and not exclusive to the elite. However, clothing maintenance constituted a significant expense within a household’s budget. In Hellenistic and Roman Egypt, fullers faced substantial financial burdens, particularly in the form of taxes, alongside material costs, which meant that their income alone was often insufficient to support a family. Many supplemented their earnings through agricultural landownership. Fullers were liable for capitatio, a professional tax, and duties on natron and other materials. These financial pressures likely encouraged them to form professional associations.
In the conclusion of the study, the author highlights two key phenomena: an increasing specialisation of the profession over time and a regional differentiation, with certain areas—such as the Fayum in Egypt and Asia Minor during the Imperial period—becoming centres for wool textile production. The fulling technical processes (koinè) appear to have been largely shared across the Greek world, as evidenced by both textual sources and archaeological studies of workshops.
The study conducted by Le Quéré contributes to the growing body of research on craftsmanship in the Greco-Roman world. It builds, among others, on the work of Nicolas Tran and the collective volume by Koenraad Verboven and Christian Laes for the Roman world,[2] as well as Benoit Dercy’s research on leatherworking in ancient Greece.[3] It also aligns with the ongoing development of the archaeology of techniques. Finally, it fills a significant gap in historical research on the ancient Greek world more generally. Looking at scholarship on textile craftsmanship in Greece and Egypt, no comprehensive analysis had yet been conducted on fullers and, more broadly, their role in ancient Greek society.[4] Le Quéré’s research thus provides valuable new insights that will enrich the current knowledge on ancient textile craft history, a field that has developed significantly since 2007.[5] First, the precise scope of activities carried out by fullers, launderers, and bleachers had long remained poorly understood in many areas of ancient societies. Second, several of the questions raised in this study extend beyond the Greek world and apply to other periods and regions of antiquity: What was the full extent of the tasks performed by these artisans, given that fulling represented only a fraction of their work?[6] Did they operate on the outskirts or inner parts of cities? Why was this profession one of the few in the textile industry to be predominantly male? Did their services cater exclusively to the elite, or were they accessible to the broader population? This book offers answers specific to the Eastern Greek world while providing comparative data that can be used to contextualize research on other historical periods. It also clarifies Greek terminological distinctions and incorporates an archaeological approach, establishing criteria for identifying a fuller’s workshop in the Eastern Greek world.
This work opens up new avenues of research into professional artisans and the everyday practices associated with these trades in ancient societies. It invites reflection on hygiene-related practices in the ancient world. In pre-revolutionary France, the possibility of washing one’s clothes regularly depended on social status and major household laundry sessions took place only twice a year.[7] It is therefore striking to note that, according to Le Quéré, in Greco-Roman Egypt, households would employ a fuller at least once a week and most likely several times a month (p. 235). Another avenue for further investigation is the respective roles of men and women in laundering work. The author demonstrates that the fuller’s trade was predominantly male but highlights a number of exceptions where women were involved in textile washing and maintenance. Chapter 3 (pp. 166–170) specifically examines the rare attestations of female fullers. What could explain this gendered division of labour, which is also observed elsewhere in the ancient world?[8] A final issue raised by this study concerns the increasing specialisation in certain trades that can be observed in specific contexts over time. What are the driving factors behind this phenomenon and to what degree can it be generalised?
This rich and insightful work makes a significant contribution by providing new perspectives on the artisanal economy, particularly in relation to the textile production sector, which had a significant economic weight in the ancient world.
Notes
[1] Laura B. Mazow, “Throwing the Baby Out with the Bathwater: Innovations in Mediterranean Textile Production at the End of the 2nd/Beginning of the 1st Millennium BCE”, in M.-L. Nosch, H. Koefoedand and E. Andersson Strand (eds.), Textile Production and Consumption in the Ancient Near East. Archaeology, Epigraphy, Iconography, Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2013: 215–223.
[2] Nicolas Tran, Dominus tabernae: Le statut de travail des artisans et des commerçants de l’Occident romain (Ier siècle av. J.-C. – IIIe siècle ap. J.-C.), Rome: École française de Rome, 2013; Koenraad Verboven and Christian Laes, Work, Labour, and Professions in the Roman World. Impact of Empire 23, Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2016.
[3] Benoit Dercy, Le travail des peaux et du cuir dans le monde grec antique: tentative d’une archéologie du disparu appliquée au cuir, Naples: Centre Jean Bérard, 2015.
[4] In particular, the studies of Stella Spantidaki, Textile Production in Classical Athens, Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2016, and Kerstin Droß-Krüpe, Wolle – Weber – Wirtschaft, Die Textilproduktion der römischen Kaiserzeit im Spiegel der papyrologischen Überlieferung, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2011.
[5] See, in particular, the volumes published in the Ancient Textiles Series (Oxbow Books, Oxford).
[6] See the description of the washing of woollen cloth in Mesopotamia, Sylvie Lackenbacher, “Un texte vieux-babylonien sur la finition des textiles”, Syria 59/1–2, 1982: 129–149; Nathan Wasserman, “Treating Garments in the Old Babylonian Period: ‘At the Cleaners’ in a Comparative View”, Iraq 75, 2013: 255–277.
[7] Daniel Roche, La culture des apparences: une histoire du vêtement viie-viiie siècle, 1989: 364–364.
[8] Regarding professional laundrers in Mesopotamia and Egypt, see for example Caroline Waerzeggers, “Neo-Babylonian Laundry”, Revue d’assyriologie et d’archéologie orientale 100, 2006: 83–96. See also Damien Agut, “A Man’s Business? Washing the Clothes in Ancient Egypt (Second and First Millennia BCE)”, in M. Harlow, C. Michel and L. Quillien (eds.), Textiles and Gender in Antiquity. From the Orient to the Mediterranean, London: Bloomsbury, 2020: 83–94.