Bryn Mawr Classical Review

Bryn Mawr Classical Review 1998.6.03


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1.   The exhibition went on to later showings in San Antonio and Raleigh, where I suspect it met with similar box-office success.  

2.   This problem is most evident in the historical background given in the essays and catalogue entries.  

3.   It is probably the former that inspired the choice of such themes as the lovesick Phaedra for sarcophagus decoration.  

4.   There are several short essays of a page or less on general topics like beauty, jewelry, and weaving.  

5.   Examining the evidence from Asia Minor, R. van Bremen, The Limits of Participation (Amsterdam 1996) makes an excellent start.  

6.   H. McClees, The Daily Life of the Greeks and Romans (New York 1941) 37f.; the new London display includes toilet articles and painted and sculpted scenes of women bathing, birthing, or working.  

7.   Mostra augustea della romanità (Rome 1937) 595f.  

8.   Notably the Tabula Siarensis, which documents the presence of Julio-Claudian women at a family discussion regarding honors for the deceased Germanicus and the senatus consultum of Gnaeus Piso in which Tiberius pays public homage to his mother Livia. For the Tabula see J. González and J. Arce, eds. Estudios sobre la Tabula Siarensis (Madrid 1988) and for the s.c. regarding Piso see W. Eck, A. Caballos, and F. Fernández, Das senatus consultum de Cn. Pisone patre (Munich 1996); an English translation by E. Meyer appears in Classical Journal 93.3 (1998) 318-24.  

9.   Octavia is thought to have played a role in reconciling Mark Antony and (the then) Octavian at Tarentum earlier in 37 BCE and she is said to have brought troop reinforcements to Antony in the East in 35.  

10.   I make these arguments in detail in Portraits of Livia: Imaging the Imperial Woman in Augustan Rome (forthcoming, Cambridge University Press).  

11.   Accusations of both poisoning and incest are repeated frequently throughout the catalogue entries, but without a serious attempt to understand the context of their creation and repetition.  

12.   The practice of honoring one's non-imperial parents with public statues began with the Julio-Claudians. See C. Brian Rose, Dynastic Commemoration and Imperial Portraiture in the Julio-Claudian Period (Cambridge 1997) 216 n.2.  

13.   B. I. Scholz, Untersuchungen zur Tracht der römischen Matrona (Köln, 1992).  

14.   The American Numismatic Society coin is too worn to show but the barest outline of the garment. For a clearer rendition see P. Franker and M. Hirmer, Römische Kaiserporträts im Münzbild (Munich 1972) fig. 2.  

15.   If so, it is indicated not by the shoulder straps but by the ankle-length hem.  

16.   The motif appears in less pronounced form in Cat. 11 and 30.  

17.   See Cat. 121.  

18.   Rose, n. 12 above, 66.  

19.   Looking approximately 50 years old when he was rendered in the Flavian portrait style of the 90s CE, the man would have been born in circa 40. Looking about 50 years old in circa 120 CE when the monument was carved, the woman would have been born about 60 CE. Thus she must be his wife not his mother.  

20.   This is not to say that the casket might not have been a woman's final resting place.

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